In Kaduna, kilishi, a Hausa local meat delicacy provides employment and entertainment for different classes of people
By Femi Olanrewaju
Gidan Kilishi located at S5, Jos Road, Kaduna is a very popular place. Its popularity is because of the kilishi, a local Hausa meat delicacy.
Kilishi is enjoyed by the low and mighty in Kaduna State. It can be taken as a snack or used in drinking pap, soaked garri or by patrons of drinking joints as appetiser. The meat is soaked in seasonings, which leaves a lasting taste in the mouth. Apart from the local consumption, people come from eastern and western parts of the country to trade in it. It is also said that some people export kilishi abroad. Kilishi is patronised because its inexpensive. With as little as N50, one can buy a piece.
Kilishi has become a family business in Gidan Kilishi (literally meaning: dry meat house). Almost all male children in this family know no other trade than kilishi. Danlami Abdullahhi, a member of the family told this magazine: “We have six masters, a number of apprentices and workers here. All the masters are members of the same family, and we inherited the business from our late father, Alhaji Abdul, Ministan-kilishi.” Alhaji Abdul was called ministan kilishi (minister of dried meat) by his admirers when he was alive because of the unique way he prepared the meat.
Danlami, who is in his early 40s holds an HND in purchasing and supply from the Kaduna Polytechnic. A father of six, Danlami told Newsworld that he opted for the trade despite his academic qualification because it gives him more money than a white collar job. He said he earns between N2, 000 to N3, 000 per day which he may not earn doing a white collar job. During weekends, the profit may be higher than that and most especially when new visitors who have learnt about kilishi visit Kaduna. He said he paid for his education and got married from the business.
Besides, he said the trade gives him comfort and freedom, and has assisted the government to create employment opportunities for the unemployed.
Apart from Jos Road, other areas kilishi can be found in Kaduna State are Angwar Sarki, Musulumi and Range Road. Danlami however, maintained that their own kilishi is the best and unique because the trade started in the family long ago.
It requires about N20, 000 to start kilishi business. The items required, according to Danlami include: an oven, show-glass, tables, benches, a raft of guineacorn stalks (karan-gado), raw meat, seasoning such as pepper, seasoning cubes, onion, masaro, kanufari and the likes. He added that a prospective kilishi trader must have the necessary skills.
Kilishi is preserved through the use of solar energy. The sliced meat is spread on the karan-gado. The meat is mixed with ground groundnut, salt and water to form paste. The meat is spread in the sun to dry. It is roasted in an oven for about 20 to 30 minutes before being spread again under the sun before being displayed in a show-glass where it can stay for over three months without getting spoilt.
Apart from finance, another likely problem, according to Danlami is heavy downpour during the rainy season because there may be no solar energy to dry the meat. In this case, the meat could be dried inside with electric fan. But the epileptic power supply from Power Holding Company of Nigeria, PHCN, presents another hinderence, forcing the traders to resort to the use of generator which costs much to fuel.
Hygiene is very important in kilishi business. Danlami disclosed that as registered members of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control, and the Hygiene Association under the local government council, they obey all regulations regarding cleanliness. He said they use disinfectants to clean their shops every morning before work and every evening after work. Besides, those agencies also pay unscheduled periodic visits to monitor their operations and advise on how to maintain good sanitary conditions.
Danlami called on the government at all levels to give soft loans under the Poverty Alleviation Programme, PAP, to the operators to produce kilish in large quantity for export. This will serve as a source of foreign exchange, increase the earnings of those in the industry and create employment opportunities for teeming unemployed youths.
Even though kilishi production and sale has become a family business for the residents of S5, Jos Road, Kaduna, Danlami is not yet sure whether any of his six children would embrace the trade. Since it gives good health and can stay longer after preparation compared to suya, Danlami enjoined the lovers of kilishi to continue with its consumption while those who have not tasted it before should give it a trial.
Monday, 16 November 2009
Oshiomhole's Master Stroke
Edo State governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole builds his political structure ahead of 2012 election with a rally in Benin City which was premised on the Action Congress and the Labour Party alliance
By Victor Osehobo
Barely one year into office, Edo State governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole has realised all too soon that erecting the critical political structure he will need to secure a second term as governor should begin now. Since he assumed office, the governor has with key appointments attracted grassroots politicians from all the 18 local governments that make up the state. Some of them were hitherto disciples of the aging Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, leader Chief Tony Anenih, members of the PDP or members of other opposition parties like the All Nigeria Peoples Party, ANPP, whose footprints have completely disappeared from the state since 2007.
The Action Congress, AC rally last weekend at the Ogbemudia Stadium was the biggest evidence that the governor was alert to the emerging dimension and intrigues that will rule the politics of Edo in 2012. Apart from the 13 serving local council chairmen elected on the PDP platform who crossed over to the AC, two popular transporters, and key PDP gladiators namely Chief John Adun, owner of the Bob Izua Motors and Chief Goddy Edosa, who owns Goddy Edosa Motors, both in Benin also pitched tent with the AC.
Adun's jump on to the AC train has been described as an attempt to check the losses he has suffered since the governor took office. First, his motor park at Ring Road, Benin for which he claimed a 30-year lease valued at N30, 000 approved by the Oredo local council, was crushed by the government's demolition squad. There were speculations last week that his palatial villa located near the Oba's Palace in Benin occupies a space designed as an annex of the Oba Market and was marked for demolition in the Benin City beautification campaign. He was the PDP Oredo local council chairman.
As for Goody Edosa, his claim to becoming the PDP leader in Egor local council has come under question in recent times. His supporters were sidelined when in December 2007, the PDP chose his opponents to fly the PDP flag in the local government pools which PDP won across the state. The site occupied by his motor company was also speculated to be marked for demolition as it encroaches on the Benin Moat and Walls. It is not certain if the decision of the two politicians to join the AC wagon will spare their business locations. But what is certain is that they have pledged to swim or sink with Oshiomhole wherever he goes from now on.
Oshiomhole had no political structure in 2007. He was popular but rode on the back of the political structure supplied by Chief Lucky Igbinedion, former governor of Edo State. It was a structure which broke off from the PDP in 2004 as the Grace Group, and formed a parallel state PDP executive. This later metamorphosed into the Advanced Congress of Democrats, ACD, and finally the Action Congress in 2007. That structure financed the election of all the AC members of the Edo State Assembly and was responsible for picking Dr. Pius Egberawhen Odubu to run with Oshiomhole as deputy governor, though he had a third term House of Representatives ticket from the PDP.
The political structure's plan was for Oshiomhole to serve as governor for four years between 2007 and 2011 and allow Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu to fly the flag in 2011.
This structure has undergone changes since November last year although Ize-Iyamu has got his fingers burnt in the process. He had sought control of the AC structure in the state by seeking to be on the party's board of trustees, BoT. But Oshiomhole preferred Senator Roland Owie instead. By his own calculations, Ize-Iyamu is anticipating that he will fly the AC flag in 2012, using the structure that produced Oshiomhole. But Odubu who was supposed to step aside for him to grab the gubernatorial ticket, now appears keen on remaining with Oshiomhole even ahead of 2012.
Conscious of the fact that if Igbinedion plays the godfather and wants his man, Ize-Iyamu to fly the AC flag in 2012, Oshiomhole has already started building his own structure; not in AC but in the Labour Party, LP. This informed the personal reception by the governor of the mammoth crowd of PDP faithfuls who rather than joining AC last weekend opted for the LP. Among them was Hon. Isaiah Osifo, Chief of Staff to Osunbor and easily the governor's loudest critic since November 2008. A two-term council chairman and PDP leader in Uhunwonde, it was Osifo's organisational ability that produced the structure Osunbor relied on in the runoff to the 2006 PDP gubernatorial primaries that defeated Professor Julius Ihonvbere after an angry Anenih withdrew his support with erstwhile President Olusegun Obasanjo's objection, to Odion’s Ugbesia aspirations. Osifo has worked closely with Ogbemudia and Owie, who are from the Uhunwonde like him. He has never hidden his dislike for Ize-Iyamu, hence his resolve to join LP instead of AC.
Analysts say that in the months ahead, Governor Oshiomhole's moves would be in the direction of consolidating on the gains he has made politically since he came into office. This may see to the sack of some commissioners and their replacements with his loyalists. The dissolution of local councils in the state is also said to be on the cards now that opposition will be minimal with 13 of the erstwhile 19 PDP council chairmen supporting him. Many of them are optimistic that they will get automatic tickets to run in the impending local government polls.
By Victor Osehobo
Barely one year into office, Edo State governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole has realised all too soon that erecting the critical political structure he will need to secure a second term as governor should begin now. Since he assumed office, the governor has with key appointments attracted grassroots politicians from all the 18 local governments that make up the state. Some of them were hitherto disciples of the aging Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, leader Chief Tony Anenih, members of the PDP or members of other opposition parties like the All Nigeria Peoples Party, ANPP, whose footprints have completely disappeared from the state since 2007.
The Action Congress, AC rally last weekend at the Ogbemudia Stadium was the biggest evidence that the governor was alert to the emerging dimension and intrigues that will rule the politics of Edo in 2012. Apart from the 13 serving local council chairmen elected on the PDP platform who crossed over to the AC, two popular transporters, and key PDP gladiators namely Chief John Adun, owner of the Bob Izua Motors and Chief Goddy Edosa, who owns Goddy Edosa Motors, both in Benin also pitched tent with the AC.
Adun's jump on to the AC train has been described as an attempt to check the losses he has suffered since the governor took office. First, his motor park at Ring Road, Benin for which he claimed a 30-year lease valued at N30, 000 approved by the Oredo local council, was crushed by the government's demolition squad. There were speculations last week that his palatial villa located near the Oba's Palace in Benin occupies a space designed as an annex of the Oba Market and was marked for demolition in the Benin City beautification campaign. He was the PDP Oredo local council chairman.
As for Goody Edosa, his claim to becoming the PDP leader in Egor local council has come under question in recent times. His supporters were sidelined when in December 2007, the PDP chose his opponents to fly the PDP flag in the local government pools which PDP won across the state. The site occupied by his motor company was also speculated to be marked for demolition as it encroaches on the Benin Moat and Walls. It is not certain if the decision of the two politicians to join the AC wagon will spare their business locations. But what is certain is that they have pledged to swim or sink with Oshiomhole wherever he goes from now on.
Oshiomhole had no political structure in 2007. He was popular but rode on the back of the political structure supplied by Chief Lucky Igbinedion, former governor of Edo State. It was a structure which broke off from the PDP in 2004 as the Grace Group, and formed a parallel state PDP executive. This later metamorphosed into the Advanced Congress of Democrats, ACD, and finally the Action Congress in 2007. That structure financed the election of all the AC members of the Edo State Assembly and was responsible for picking Dr. Pius Egberawhen Odubu to run with Oshiomhole as deputy governor, though he had a third term House of Representatives ticket from the PDP.
The political structure's plan was for Oshiomhole to serve as governor for four years between 2007 and 2011 and allow Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu to fly the flag in 2011.
This structure has undergone changes since November last year although Ize-Iyamu has got his fingers burnt in the process. He had sought control of the AC structure in the state by seeking to be on the party's board of trustees, BoT. But Oshiomhole preferred Senator Roland Owie instead. By his own calculations, Ize-Iyamu is anticipating that he will fly the AC flag in 2012, using the structure that produced Oshiomhole. But Odubu who was supposed to step aside for him to grab the gubernatorial ticket, now appears keen on remaining with Oshiomhole even ahead of 2012.
Conscious of the fact that if Igbinedion plays the godfather and wants his man, Ize-Iyamu to fly the AC flag in 2012, Oshiomhole has already started building his own structure; not in AC but in the Labour Party, LP. This informed the personal reception by the governor of the mammoth crowd of PDP faithfuls who rather than joining AC last weekend opted for the LP. Among them was Hon. Isaiah Osifo, Chief of Staff to Osunbor and easily the governor's loudest critic since November 2008. A two-term council chairman and PDP leader in Uhunwonde, it was Osifo's organisational ability that produced the structure Osunbor relied on in the runoff to the 2006 PDP gubernatorial primaries that defeated Professor Julius Ihonvbere after an angry Anenih withdrew his support with erstwhile President Olusegun Obasanjo's objection, to Odion’s Ugbesia aspirations. Osifo has worked closely with Ogbemudia and Owie, who are from the Uhunwonde like him. He has never hidden his dislike for Ize-Iyamu, hence his resolve to join LP instead of AC.
Analysts say that in the months ahead, Governor Oshiomhole's moves would be in the direction of consolidating on the gains he has made politically since he came into office. This may see to the sack of some commissioners and their replacements with his loyalists. The dissolution of local councils in the state is also said to be on the cards now that opposition will be minimal with 13 of the erstwhile 19 PDP council chairmen supporting him. Many of them are optimistic that they will get automatic tickets to run in the impending local government polls.
The Crumbling Of Opposition
The defection of Theophilous Bamigboye, a retired army officer, to the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, renders opposition in Kwara State impotent
By Akin Makanjuola
With last week's cross carpeting of Col. Theophilous Bamigboye (rtd) to the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, the opposition in Kwara State has finally capitulated to the supremacy and leadership of Olusola Saraki, former leader of the Senate in the second republic. Saraki has held sway over the political life of the state for over 30 years.
Shortly after the 2007 general elections, the opposition in the state came together to confront what they considered the attempt by the PDP to turn Kwara State to a one-party state and a family affair. The Saraki family alone produced the incumbent governor, Bukola and Senator Gbemisola Saraki, who represents Kwara central senatorial district. He also single handedly nominated Abubakar Baraje as national secretary of PDP. Some other political appointees equally had the imprimatur of the elder Saraki. A source told this magazine that “no one becomes anything (in Kwara State) without Saraki's permission.
The arrowhead of the coalition of opposition political parties in the state opposed to the reign of the Saraki family in a multi-ethnic state before now was Col. Bamigboye. As he “surrendered” last week, the former military governor enjoined his Kwara south people “to stop being in opposition. It is not good. I was there before; I was at the other side before and today, I am back to the main fold.”
Governor Oyinlola Olagunsoye, the governor of Osun State, who is fast assuming the role of “a mediator and peacemaker”, brokered the peace between Saraki and Bamigboye.
A source told this magazine that one of the conditions of accepting Bamigboye back to PDP is for him to renounce all claims or plans now or in the future for the governorship of the state and follow the leader. Spokesman of the Action Congress, AC, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, who is also from Ilorin, described the growing tendency among politicians to cross carpet to PDP as a sign of weakness and crass opportunism. A leading social critic and leader of the Aforija Descendants Union, Olola Kassum in a telephone conversation told Newsworld that, “The action of Bamigboye, amounts to a sell out and smacks of political prostitution. How do you ignite a fire you cannot control?” He queried.
Kwara State was carved out of the old Ilorin province; it has three major components comprising Lafiagi Pategi, Shonga axis and Igbomina, from where Bamigboye hails from. The opposition to Ilorin emirate has a historical angle to it as the people of Igbomina (Omu-Aran) in the past have tried to resist the spread of Islam and by extension Fulani Jihad. This has formed the fulcrum of the current opposition led by people like Olola Kassum of Aforija Descendants Union, Gbenga Olawepo, a businessman, and AC gubernatorial candidate in the 2007 elections, Senator Ajadi Makanjuola, Wole Oke and until recently, Col. Theophilous Bamigboye.
While the influence of political god-fathers has waned in some parts of the country, the case of Kwara State defies all political permutations –it is a situation where, the god-father never sleeps.
By Akin Makanjuola
With last week's cross carpeting of Col. Theophilous Bamigboye (rtd) to the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, the opposition in Kwara State has finally capitulated to the supremacy and leadership of Olusola Saraki, former leader of the Senate in the second republic. Saraki has held sway over the political life of the state for over 30 years.
Shortly after the 2007 general elections, the opposition in the state came together to confront what they considered the attempt by the PDP to turn Kwara State to a one-party state and a family affair. The Saraki family alone produced the incumbent governor, Bukola and Senator Gbemisola Saraki, who represents Kwara central senatorial district. He also single handedly nominated Abubakar Baraje as national secretary of PDP. Some other political appointees equally had the imprimatur of the elder Saraki. A source told this magazine that “no one becomes anything (in Kwara State) without Saraki's permission.
The arrowhead of the coalition of opposition political parties in the state opposed to the reign of the Saraki family in a multi-ethnic state before now was Col. Bamigboye. As he “surrendered” last week, the former military governor enjoined his Kwara south people “to stop being in opposition. It is not good. I was there before; I was at the other side before and today, I am back to the main fold.”
Governor Oyinlola Olagunsoye, the governor of Osun State, who is fast assuming the role of “a mediator and peacemaker”, brokered the peace between Saraki and Bamigboye.
A source told this magazine that one of the conditions of accepting Bamigboye back to PDP is for him to renounce all claims or plans now or in the future for the governorship of the state and follow the leader. Spokesman of the Action Congress, AC, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, who is also from Ilorin, described the growing tendency among politicians to cross carpet to PDP as a sign of weakness and crass opportunism. A leading social critic and leader of the Aforija Descendants Union, Olola Kassum in a telephone conversation told Newsworld that, “The action of Bamigboye, amounts to a sell out and smacks of political prostitution. How do you ignite a fire you cannot control?” He queried.
Kwara State was carved out of the old Ilorin province; it has three major components comprising Lafiagi Pategi, Shonga axis and Igbomina, from where Bamigboye hails from. The opposition to Ilorin emirate has a historical angle to it as the people of Igbomina (Omu-Aran) in the past have tried to resist the spread of Islam and by extension Fulani Jihad. This has formed the fulcrum of the current opposition led by people like Olola Kassum of Aforija Descendants Union, Gbenga Olawepo, a businessman, and AC gubernatorial candidate in the 2007 elections, Senator Ajadi Makanjuola, Wole Oke and until recently, Col. Theophilous Bamigboye.
While the influence of political god-fathers has waned in some parts of the country, the case of Kwara State defies all political permutations –it is a situation where, the god-father never sleeps.
Still A Pain In The Neck
Over 400 Nigerians living in Bakassi Peninsula, which is now ceded to Cameroun, complain of continued harassment by Camerounian security officials
By Increase Abasi-Ubong
For Nigerians who decided to remain in Bakassi after the oil rich Peninsula was ceded to Cameroun, it was a wrong decision after all. This magazine gathered that they are now living in fear following persistent molestation by Camerounian security operatives.
Last week, over 400 Nigerians living in the Peninsula fled the area due to the continued persecution by Camerounian security officials. The victims, who are taking refuge in Ikang, told this magazine that they had to return to Nigeria as their lives were at risk. One of the returnees who spoke on condition of anonymity, said since the area was ceded to Cameroun, they have not been able to go about their normal businesses. “Nigerians living in Bakassi are being subjected to all forms of inhuman treatment by Cameroun gendarmes who molest and extort money from their hapless victims on daily basis. Many of us have lost our means of livelihood as the gendarmes not only seize our fishing boats and nets, but destroy them at the slightest provocation. The unwarranted attack on Nigerians living in Bakassi has resulted in so many deaths, while many of us have been forced out of business.” The returnees had various degrees of injuries all over their bodies which they claimed was inflicted on them by the Camerounians. There were also reports that some Nigerians are languishing in jail in the country while some others are missing. According to the returnees, the gendarmes always torture them whenever their demand for money is not met. “They use horsewhip, belts and machetes to beat us whenever we fail to meet their demands; these injuries on my body were inflicted on me by the gendarmes. They subject us to all forms of inhuman treatment and since we can no longer bear the sufferings, we decided to flee.”
However, many Nigerians are said to be living in Cameroun illegally. Majority of them are reported to reside in the country with fake or expired documents making it extremely difficult for them to regularise their stay.
A source at the Cameroun Consulate in Calabar however denied claims that Nigerians living in the ceded Peninsula were being persecuted by the Camerounian authorities. According to the source who pleaded anonymity, many Nigerians living and doing business in Cameroun have no valid resident permit and no Nigerian with valid papers is ever harassed. “Nigerians with valid documents go about their businesses without molestation, and those complaining of being harassed are Nigerians living in our country illegally.
“Cameroun has great respect for foreigners residing in the country, but we however expect anyone resident in our country to abide by our laws. They should always ensure that their documents are up to date.”
The secretary general of the Nigerian Union in Cameroun, Prince Aston Ovung who was among those that fled the area told Newsworld that Nigerians living in Bakassi have been going about their lawful business, dismissing claims that most of them were living in Cameroun illegally. He said many Nigerians have lost their lives as a result of the brutal assault on Nigerians by the gendarmes while several others have been maimed.” “Nigerians living in Bakassi are law abiding and the constant harassment and brutality of Nigerians by the gendarmes is unwarranted.
Prince Ovung who disclosed that several property belonging to Nigerians living in Bakassi, including fishing boats and nets, have been destroyed by the gendarmes appealed to the Nigerian government to impress on the Camerounians to respect the Green Tree Agreement which he said was being violated with impunity.
The director general of the Cross River State Emergency Management Agency, SEMA, Mr. Vincent Aquah told Newsworld that the state has taken over the welfare of the returnees. “The Agency has put all necessary machinery in place to ensure that they are accommodated, fed and made comfortable while at the refugee camp.”
By Increase Abasi-Ubong
For Nigerians who decided to remain in Bakassi after the oil rich Peninsula was ceded to Cameroun, it was a wrong decision after all. This magazine gathered that they are now living in fear following persistent molestation by Camerounian security operatives.
Last week, over 400 Nigerians living in the Peninsula fled the area due to the continued persecution by Camerounian security officials. The victims, who are taking refuge in Ikang, told this magazine that they had to return to Nigeria as their lives were at risk. One of the returnees who spoke on condition of anonymity, said since the area was ceded to Cameroun, they have not been able to go about their normal businesses. “Nigerians living in Bakassi are being subjected to all forms of inhuman treatment by Cameroun gendarmes who molest and extort money from their hapless victims on daily basis. Many of us have lost our means of livelihood as the gendarmes not only seize our fishing boats and nets, but destroy them at the slightest provocation. The unwarranted attack on Nigerians living in Bakassi has resulted in so many deaths, while many of us have been forced out of business.” The returnees had various degrees of injuries all over their bodies which they claimed was inflicted on them by the Camerounians. There were also reports that some Nigerians are languishing in jail in the country while some others are missing. According to the returnees, the gendarmes always torture them whenever their demand for money is not met. “They use horsewhip, belts and machetes to beat us whenever we fail to meet their demands; these injuries on my body were inflicted on me by the gendarmes. They subject us to all forms of inhuman treatment and since we can no longer bear the sufferings, we decided to flee.”
However, many Nigerians are said to be living in Cameroun illegally. Majority of them are reported to reside in the country with fake or expired documents making it extremely difficult for them to regularise their stay.
A source at the Cameroun Consulate in Calabar however denied claims that Nigerians living in the ceded Peninsula were being persecuted by the Camerounian authorities. According to the source who pleaded anonymity, many Nigerians living and doing business in Cameroun have no valid resident permit and no Nigerian with valid papers is ever harassed. “Nigerians with valid documents go about their businesses without molestation, and those complaining of being harassed are Nigerians living in our country illegally.
“Cameroun has great respect for foreigners residing in the country, but we however expect anyone resident in our country to abide by our laws. They should always ensure that their documents are up to date.”
The secretary general of the Nigerian Union in Cameroun, Prince Aston Ovung who was among those that fled the area told Newsworld that Nigerians living in Bakassi have been going about their lawful business, dismissing claims that most of them were living in Cameroun illegally. He said many Nigerians have lost their lives as a result of the brutal assault on Nigerians by the gendarmes while several others have been maimed.” “Nigerians living in Bakassi are law abiding and the constant harassment and brutality of Nigerians by the gendarmes is unwarranted.
Prince Ovung who disclosed that several property belonging to Nigerians living in Bakassi, including fishing boats and nets, have been destroyed by the gendarmes appealed to the Nigerian government to impress on the Camerounians to respect the Green Tree Agreement which he said was being violated with impunity.
The director general of the Cross River State Emergency Management Agency, SEMA, Mr. Vincent Aquah told Newsworld that the state has taken over the welfare of the returnees. “The Agency has put all necessary machinery in place to ensure that they are accommodated, fed and made comfortable while at the refugee camp.”
Horror In 'IG's Detention Camp'
Tales of torture and extra-judicial killings are told of a detention camp at Force CID Area 10, Abuja, otherwise called IG's detention camp
By Emma Alozie
Located at the heart of Area 10, Garki, just a whispering distance from the popular UTC shopping mall, an artisan's haven, the Force CID headquarters never cut the picture of a torture centre, at least to a passerby. Though the structures are looking dingy and decrepit, an uninformed passerby would think that what goes on inside there is only criminal investigation. However, tales of woes emanating from there by unfortunate inmates of an illegal detention camp christened the 'Dump' by police officers in the station can only be comparable to the notorious Auswitz and Treblinka, Hitler's concentration camps during the second World War.
Directly under the office of the inspector general of police, it is statutorily saddled with the responsibility of investigating crimes, especially high profile ones. But like every other Nigerian project that radiates beauty in intention, it exudes the contrary in practice. The Force CID, Area 10 has carved a niche for itself in notoriety for torture.
As narrated by somebody who can be described as divinely fortunate to have spent just 24 hours in the torture chambers of the station, everything goes on inside the place. From extra-judicial killing to rape, accommodation racketeering to unusual torture – only few of those who enter there came out without a sour tale.
Originally, the facility was not meant to be a prison house for criminals, but today, it accommodates over 135 inmates in the most dehumanising of conditions. An inmate who has been detained in the 'dump' in the last six months from Anambra State said he was arrested for giving information to the police as always requested by the police. “There was a fire incidence where a rich man was implicated. The fire outbreak was not by accident but deliberately ignited by the rich contractor to cover up his misdeeds. As police investigation on the cause of the fire incident was ongoing, I volunteered information to the police on how the fire started and the agents the man used in setting the property on fire. The police actually arrested the man, but that was the beginning of my troubles,” the victim told this magazine. The case of arson was turned against him immediately after the police finished hobnobbing with the contractor. Before he could prove his innocence, the contractor had used his 'connections' to swiftly transfer the case from Anambra to Abuja where the 25-year old was detained.
Another inmate who has been in the detention camp for three years without trial said he was arrested on a trumped-up allegation of organising an armed robbery attack against his cousin. He said he was implicated by three armed robbery suspects who robbed his cousin three years ago. They claimed he gave them information that led to the robbery. He is the only one among the suspects still in the cell. The other three, according to him might have been summarily executed by the police.
Five brothers from Anambra State who have been at the detention camp for the past three months said they were arrested for confronting the man who bought their landed property from their uncle. The said uncle claimed he sold the property to offset the debt incurred during the burial of their father. They have since renounced the ownership of the property after police torture at the cell.
The IG's 'dump' has a way of making an angel confess to a crime he never committed. According to a victim who spent 24 hours in the cell, many of the detainees have a ring-like mark on their ankle. This is a mark of brutal torture by the police officers at the station in order to extract information from suspects. The suspects, according to him are normally hung on a suspended torture stake for hours with handcuffs. Any suspect that proves a tough nut to crack is hung upside down for up to 24 hours and at all costs, the 'truth' must be extracted from such a suspect. And once a confessional statement is gotten from a suspect, it is tape-recorded or the suspect forced to make a handwritten statement. The inmates confess that many have been extra-judicially exterminated in this manner on several occasions.
Investigations also revealed that some inmates are just used as cover up for main criminals. One of the leaders in the detention camp said that most people paraded by the police for committing one crime or the other is just a ruse to divert attention and make people believe that the police is working hard. “These are people taken from different detention camps, people who are detained on account of one allegation or the other and paraded as criminals. What happens is that when a high profile crime is committed and the police seem to be at a loss on what to do, they quickly arrange for inmates who they would parade as the culprits,” the inmate said.
They not only parade them as criminals, they use them to implicate other innocent people to make money off them. Some inmates revealed how the police sometimes handcuff them and take them to the nearest mechanic workshop or shop to readily point at one innocent person as the one who bought a stolen good or an accomplice with whom he went to rob a man the previous week. The police would promptly arrest the so called accomplice knowing that at least some money would be used to bail him from the police station.
There are policemen in the station whose job is simply to twist cases and turn it against a complainant as long as the price is right. The extent of brutality meted out to a victim depends on how much the person that wants such victim punished can afford to pay. The least amount officers in the station would accept to transfer cases from state command to Area 10 is half a million naira.
A routine check on the detainees is carried out every morning. One inspector popularly called 'Action' is said to be notorious in asking: “how many people died today” whenever he carries out inspection on the detainees. He is said to revel in seeing suspects wriggle in pain; his sadism is only comparable to the men of the inquisition era.
The camp is said to be strictly out of bounds to newsmen, lawyers and human rights activists. Many lawyers have been brutalised trying to secure bail for hapless inmates. They hide under the umbrella of office of the inspector general to meddle in cases that should have been settled within a state command.
Emmanuel Ojukwu, force public relations officer, FPRO, was not available when Newsworld went to seek for his comment. His second in command however, declined to comment.
By Emma Alozie
Located at the heart of Area 10, Garki, just a whispering distance from the popular UTC shopping mall, an artisan's haven, the Force CID headquarters never cut the picture of a torture centre, at least to a passerby. Though the structures are looking dingy and decrepit, an uninformed passerby would think that what goes on inside there is only criminal investigation. However, tales of woes emanating from there by unfortunate inmates of an illegal detention camp christened the 'Dump' by police officers in the station can only be comparable to the notorious Auswitz and Treblinka, Hitler's concentration camps during the second World War.
Directly under the office of the inspector general of police, it is statutorily saddled with the responsibility of investigating crimes, especially high profile ones. But like every other Nigerian project that radiates beauty in intention, it exudes the contrary in practice. The Force CID, Area 10 has carved a niche for itself in notoriety for torture.
As narrated by somebody who can be described as divinely fortunate to have spent just 24 hours in the torture chambers of the station, everything goes on inside the place. From extra-judicial killing to rape, accommodation racketeering to unusual torture – only few of those who enter there came out without a sour tale.
Originally, the facility was not meant to be a prison house for criminals, but today, it accommodates over 135 inmates in the most dehumanising of conditions. An inmate who has been detained in the 'dump' in the last six months from Anambra State said he was arrested for giving information to the police as always requested by the police. “There was a fire incidence where a rich man was implicated. The fire outbreak was not by accident but deliberately ignited by the rich contractor to cover up his misdeeds. As police investigation on the cause of the fire incident was ongoing, I volunteered information to the police on how the fire started and the agents the man used in setting the property on fire. The police actually arrested the man, but that was the beginning of my troubles,” the victim told this magazine. The case of arson was turned against him immediately after the police finished hobnobbing with the contractor. Before he could prove his innocence, the contractor had used his 'connections' to swiftly transfer the case from Anambra to Abuja where the 25-year old was detained.
Another inmate who has been in the detention camp for three years without trial said he was arrested on a trumped-up allegation of organising an armed robbery attack against his cousin. He said he was implicated by three armed robbery suspects who robbed his cousin three years ago. They claimed he gave them information that led to the robbery. He is the only one among the suspects still in the cell. The other three, according to him might have been summarily executed by the police.
Five brothers from Anambra State who have been at the detention camp for the past three months said they were arrested for confronting the man who bought their landed property from their uncle. The said uncle claimed he sold the property to offset the debt incurred during the burial of their father. They have since renounced the ownership of the property after police torture at the cell.
The IG's 'dump' has a way of making an angel confess to a crime he never committed. According to a victim who spent 24 hours in the cell, many of the detainees have a ring-like mark on their ankle. This is a mark of brutal torture by the police officers at the station in order to extract information from suspects. The suspects, according to him are normally hung on a suspended torture stake for hours with handcuffs. Any suspect that proves a tough nut to crack is hung upside down for up to 24 hours and at all costs, the 'truth' must be extracted from such a suspect. And once a confessional statement is gotten from a suspect, it is tape-recorded or the suspect forced to make a handwritten statement. The inmates confess that many have been extra-judicially exterminated in this manner on several occasions.
Investigations also revealed that some inmates are just used as cover up for main criminals. One of the leaders in the detention camp said that most people paraded by the police for committing one crime or the other is just a ruse to divert attention and make people believe that the police is working hard. “These are people taken from different detention camps, people who are detained on account of one allegation or the other and paraded as criminals. What happens is that when a high profile crime is committed and the police seem to be at a loss on what to do, they quickly arrange for inmates who they would parade as the culprits,” the inmate said.
They not only parade them as criminals, they use them to implicate other innocent people to make money off them. Some inmates revealed how the police sometimes handcuff them and take them to the nearest mechanic workshop or shop to readily point at one innocent person as the one who bought a stolen good or an accomplice with whom he went to rob a man the previous week. The police would promptly arrest the so called accomplice knowing that at least some money would be used to bail him from the police station.
There are policemen in the station whose job is simply to twist cases and turn it against a complainant as long as the price is right. The extent of brutality meted out to a victim depends on how much the person that wants such victim punished can afford to pay. The least amount officers in the station would accept to transfer cases from state command to Area 10 is half a million naira.
A routine check on the detainees is carried out every morning. One inspector popularly called 'Action' is said to be notorious in asking: “how many people died today” whenever he carries out inspection on the detainees. He is said to revel in seeing suspects wriggle in pain; his sadism is only comparable to the men of the inquisition era.
The camp is said to be strictly out of bounds to newsmen, lawyers and human rights activists. Many lawyers have been brutalised trying to secure bail for hapless inmates. They hide under the umbrella of office of the inspector general to meddle in cases that should have been settled within a state command.
Emmanuel Ojukwu, force public relations officer, FPRO, was not available when Newsworld went to seek for his comment. His second in command however, declined to comment.
The Rains Slowed Down Oshiomhole
Ahonsi Unuigbe, Edo State commissioner on budget and planning spoke to Victor Osehobo on the challenges facing the Adams Oshiomhole government in implementing this year's budget
There are many who feel that less than two months to end of the year, you should not be sending a supplementary budget to the assembly. What do you think?
When the budget was passed in April 2009, there was a particular area of the ministry of health, the health management board, HMB, which was under budgeted for. The HMB got a mere N200 million whereas it caters for the doctors, nurses and other health care professionals in the public service across the state. So the supplementary budget is making provision of N2.1 million for capital and N3.5 billion for recurrent. In effect, 10 percent of the entire budget is for the board while the balance will address other sectors. You know the government's key policies revolve around job creation, quality health services and good schools as well as infrastructural development. We are putting in more money into the ongoing beautification to sustain the tempo; we also want to purchase some equipment for refuse disposal to keep our streets clean.
How would you rate the implementation of the 2009 budget so far?
The real situation is interesting although we do intend to go public with the details of the performance of the 2009 budget since it was signed into law. As you are aware, November marks the first anniversary of the comrade governor coming into office but you can see a lot going on based on the implementation of the budget. Every week, I am sure you are aware that after the state executive council meetings, the commissioner for information briefs the press on contracts that have been awarded and all that. But I can tell you that the late passage of the budget has affected its implementation because it was not until after May that things began to take shape. Most of us in government were new and meeting for the first time so we needed time to be able to find our rhythm. That done, you are sure we have been working. Even before the award of contracts for building and construction, we had to award contracts for designs and get the best bids before talking of the contract itself. This took plenty of time. And it is in all sectors – works, health, education. So we have had quite a number of visitors coming into Benin City to assess the work they are bidding for and submitting designs that showed they had the job. As you are aware, the governor said he will not give jobs to local people who do not have references elsewhere.
Can you be specific on the implementation of the budget?
Most of the jobs cannot be done in the rains. Contractors will be asking for more money once their equipments are on site and the rains hinder their work.
Talking about the implementation of the budget in May, I would tell you that we achieved five to six percent and 10 percent in July. The level of performance will be much higher in November and in December. I intend to give details of the full implementation soon.
There are critical aspects of the budget like the maintenance of Ugbowo and Airport roads. Will they still be implemented?
Work will start on the Ugbowo and Airport Roads once the rains are over. We have completed the design. Ugbowo may start first because of the tremendous goodwill of the students for the government; the same for Airport Road which got the Oba of Benin's endorsement. For a budget that came to be based on popular participation, we will not disappoint the people. The roads will be done this year.
Is it not a case of revenue expectation falling short that is why the budget implementation is slow?
Revenue expectation falling short is part of the reasons for the slow implementation of the budget but as I told you before, the major reason is the delay in the passage. If revenue falls short, it should not affect the implementation because that is when you are required to prioritise. But revenue has not fallen short and we are well on target for revenue.
At this rate, will the 2010 budget be on time or will it be delayed like the 2009 budget?
Consultations are already in top gear for the 2010 budget. The governor has set up the committee under the chairmanship of the deputy governor. He has asked the speaker to nominate some lawmakers to be part of the committee. All ministries and departments have submitted draft proposals, which they will be required to defend subsequently.
We are now planning visits to each of the three senatorial districts to get inputs from the people. These visits will run concurrently with the defense by ministries and departments.
There are many who feel that less than two months to end of the year, you should not be sending a supplementary budget to the assembly. What do you think?
When the budget was passed in April 2009, there was a particular area of the ministry of health, the health management board, HMB, which was under budgeted for. The HMB got a mere N200 million whereas it caters for the doctors, nurses and other health care professionals in the public service across the state. So the supplementary budget is making provision of N2.1 million for capital and N3.5 billion for recurrent. In effect, 10 percent of the entire budget is for the board while the balance will address other sectors. You know the government's key policies revolve around job creation, quality health services and good schools as well as infrastructural development. We are putting in more money into the ongoing beautification to sustain the tempo; we also want to purchase some equipment for refuse disposal to keep our streets clean.
How would you rate the implementation of the 2009 budget so far?
The real situation is interesting although we do intend to go public with the details of the performance of the 2009 budget since it was signed into law. As you are aware, November marks the first anniversary of the comrade governor coming into office but you can see a lot going on based on the implementation of the budget. Every week, I am sure you are aware that after the state executive council meetings, the commissioner for information briefs the press on contracts that have been awarded and all that. But I can tell you that the late passage of the budget has affected its implementation because it was not until after May that things began to take shape. Most of us in government were new and meeting for the first time so we needed time to be able to find our rhythm. That done, you are sure we have been working. Even before the award of contracts for building and construction, we had to award contracts for designs and get the best bids before talking of the contract itself. This took plenty of time. And it is in all sectors – works, health, education. So we have had quite a number of visitors coming into Benin City to assess the work they are bidding for and submitting designs that showed they had the job. As you are aware, the governor said he will not give jobs to local people who do not have references elsewhere.
Can you be specific on the implementation of the budget?
Most of the jobs cannot be done in the rains. Contractors will be asking for more money once their equipments are on site and the rains hinder their work.
Talking about the implementation of the budget in May, I would tell you that we achieved five to six percent and 10 percent in July. The level of performance will be much higher in November and in December. I intend to give details of the full implementation soon.
There are critical aspects of the budget like the maintenance of Ugbowo and Airport roads. Will they still be implemented?
Work will start on the Ugbowo and Airport Roads once the rains are over. We have completed the design. Ugbowo may start first because of the tremendous goodwill of the students for the government; the same for Airport Road which got the Oba of Benin's endorsement. For a budget that came to be based on popular participation, we will not disappoint the people. The roads will be done this year.
Is it not a case of revenue expectation falling short that is why the budget implementation is slow?
Revenue expectation falling short is part of the reasons for the slow implementation of the budget but as I told you before, the major reason is the delay in the passage. If revenue falls short, it should not affect the implementation because that is when you are required to prioritise. But revenue has not fallen short and we are well on target for revenue.
At this rate, will the 2010 budget be on time or will it be delayed like the 2009 budget?
Consultations are already in top gear for the 2010 budget. The governor has set up the committee under the chairmanship of the deputy governor. He has asked the speaker to nominate some lawmakers to be part of the committee. All ministries and departments have submitted draft proposals, which they will be required to defend subsequently.
We are now planning visits to each of the three senatorial districts to get inputs from the people. These visits will run concurrently with the defense by ministries and departments.
Policing The 2011 Elections (II)
By Lt Col Peter Egbe- Ulu (rtd)
The chairman of Nigeria's ruling party famously quipped that the party will be in power for the next 60 years. In other words, the party probably has a secret weapon that will ensure its political longevity in the absence of any viable democratic institutions such as a professional civil service, an independent judiciary, an integrated and inclusive economy, a proper constitution, a proactive, competent national legislature, an educated polity with a competitive manpower base, a dynamic, skilled workforce, a professional military establishment, an accountable and responsible political elite, in short strong, democratic institutions. While the polity exhibits all the signs of a sick or failed system, that urgently needs attention, a minister of a very troubled ministry found it a good time to throw an international birthday bash that cost in excess of N100 million. And the head of a major federal parastatal and prominent ruling party trustee found it expedient to use his time and other public resources to throw his own 70-something birthday bash. Office holders in the current dispensation are behaving like the proverbial ostrich that buries it head in the sand when confronted with danger or the house owner who prefers to chase rats while his abode is on fire. While the polity is experiencing unprecedented instability and needs the unmitigated attention of all well–meaning citizen, the ruling elite prefers to engage in distractions, diversions and perfunctory preoccupations. The flatulence emanating from political office holders in the current government betrays an elite eons away from the transcendental figures that the nation direly needs at this time.
Since inception in 2007, no one in government has deemed it fit to bring about the enactment of laws that will correct salient errors and pitfalls encountered in past elections, notably those of 2003 and 2007. That betrays a mindset of denial about the urgency and the enormity of the task that needs to be done before the next general elections. Such a mindset smacks of unbelievable naivety. Those in power today, quite pitifully, think that the power of incumbency which they currently enjoy can effectively override the dire need for constitutional and institutional reforms. Having apparently survived the last 10 years or so, largely under Chief Obasanjo's deviousness and inane chicaneries, which was unraveling even before he left office, the promoters of the status quo are persuaded that they can hold on to power for the next 60 years or more, never mind that all that they have so far achieved is to turn the country into a highly conflicted polity, rated as a world class pariah nation, in the same league as or worse than Myanmar and North Korea. Since 1999 there has been no constructive use of the power of incumbency. Rather it has been used in the breach of democratic norms, from dealing with corruption in high places, to the conduct of elections, to transparency issues. The ruling party has shown itself to be the largest spoils system in the world, not the largest party in Africa as is trumpeted in self promotion. This is confirmed by the mindless diversion of public funds during the Obasanjo administration, through fake, unexecuted or failed contracts, for which full payments were made. The fact that key players in that administration have been retained or are otherwise active in the present administration is enough proof that that culture continues.
The Anambra gubernatorial election, coming up, in February 2010, is another opportunity for the police to get its acts together, in preparation for the 'big do' in 2011. But the likelihood of any of that coming about in the light of the insidious, political roistering and lethal political gangsterism going on there in anticipation of the elections is remote. One would have thought that the task of policing elections is a simple one: prevent any breaches of the peace and promptly arrest and prosecute any law breakers; pretty much the same as routine police work. Such a job would not be difficult if those involved abstain from taking sides and getting involved in the politics of elections or otherwise allowing themselves to be suborned by politicians. Whether the police admits it or not, a major reason elections have always been indecent affairs in Nigeria is because the police have consistently failed to do their jobs professionally during elections by leaving politicians to their politics while the police concentrates on the business of policing. Nigerians are not differently constituted from people in other lands. If those minded to break the law know that they will surely be caught during elections and that the penalties will be high and exacting, Nigerians, including the general public and in particular politicians, will conform and behave themselves.
When General Obasanjo was running the government as a civilian president, Aso Rock led the way in suborning the police generally and in particular during elections, to ensure their partisanship in security operations. Such situations often gave police officers the ready–made excuse, often given rather gleefully, that they were 'obeying orders from above' whenever their behaviour was questioned. The situation underlines a salient but unfortunate fact that the leadership of the police and for that matter other federal institutions also, have not yet emancipated to the point where, like in better democracies, they can confidently stand up to any public officer no matter how highly placed, and refuse to compromise their institutions professionally, regardless of the magnitude of the pressure on them to do so. In other words Nigeria's public institutions, in particular the police are yet to attain the level of professionalism that will enable them to take independent action, based on what the constitution dictates. They have seemed to delight in doing whatever the person in power wants them to do, including carrying out instructions from reprobate political office holders. It is an instructive irony that General Obasanjo who did his best to undermine transparency and professionalism in public affairs as president is today the beneficiary of professionalism and transparency from the Spanish government: His son, Muyiwa, by his deceased wife, Stella, is reported to have been awarded some 120,000 euro or N24.7 million compensation for the wrongful death of his mother in the hands of a quack Spanish plastic surgeon. She had gone to the doctor to alter her looks, a frivolous endeavour, most probably at public expense. One hopes that the Obsanjos of this world, in particular Nigerian leaders, past, present and in the future, political and institutional, especially the incumbent Attorney General of the federation, would have learnt an important lesson from the Spanish system's handling of the case.
Since practically nothing has been done on the part of the federal government to prepare for the next elections, particularly in terms of forestalling the constitutional and legal inadequacies that bedeviled past elections, it has to be presumed that the ruling party intends to re-enact the 2003 and 2007style charade or something worse, in 2011.
Apparently the ruling elite have indicated, if their words and deeds are anything to go by, their pre-occupation with surviving in office beyond 2011. Their strategy for realising this objective is to create a situation, by omission or commission that will permit maximum rigging of the elections. In other words the 2011 elections will pose, one more time, a serious challenge to the national and international sense of decency. It will also be a security debacle. The Ekiti re-run elections has already given a foretaste of what is to be expected. That means once again that in 2011 Nigerians will be re-learning the lessons of having a rogue government running their affairs.
The word 'rogue' is not used lightly, nor is it intended as a hyperbole. Some people may find it a bit extreme but what do you call a government that has consistently evaded political responsibility right from inception and seems to have surrendered policy making for public interest to a small band of both faceless and overt insiders, who have held the government and the people hostage to their whims and caprices. Since 1999 there has been no improvement in political practice. The reason for this state of things is that those in authority do not want things to improve. They profit from the status quo. It is that simple. Obasanjo's style of governance made it possible for public officers, including governors, ministers, local government council chairmen, legislators, etc, to think nothing of raising personal militia to fight elections or to fight opposition. Under that government the country achieved unprecedented levels of lawlessness and insecurity. What has the nation gained from that culture? One is that the nation's legislative chambers are now occupied by political delinquents who lack the slightest ideas of their strategic responsibilities to the people they are supposed to represent. In functional democracies legislators make ground breaking laws for good governance but in Nigeria legislators break new ground only in appropriating more emoluments for themselves and in seeking to exclude themselves from the prosecutorial process that other citizens are required to comply with when accused of wrong doing. What a typical Nigerian senator considers ground breaking is to table a farcical bill to regulate how women may dress, taking the matter all the way to the United Nations in New York, to the eternal embarrassment of not only her 'distinguished' self but the nation also. A common refrain in official circles around the country is that there is a 'cordial relationship' between the executive and the legislature: code for the ineptitude of the latter in respect of its ability to perform its oversight functions and proactively pursue the interest of their constituencies. It is also a euphemism for a tacit agreement between the two arms to share the spoils of office to the exclusion of all other stake holders. Another name for a situation that is so often described as a 'cordial relationship' between the executive and legislature is a rubberstamp assembly. It is not a relationship based on mutual respect. It is one based on mutual vested interest, a conspiracy against the people in whose name the government exists.
The chairman of Nigeria's ruling party famously quipped that the party will be in power for the next 60 years. In other words, the party probably has a secret weapon that will ensure its political longevity in the absence of any viable democratic institutions such as a professional civil service, an independent judiciary, an integrated and inclusive economy, a proper constitution, a proactive, competent national legislature, an educated polity with a competitive manpower base, a dynamic, skilled workforce, a professional military establishment, an accountable and responsible political elite, in short strong, democratic institutions. While the polity exhibits all the signs of a sick or failed system, that urgently needs attention, a minister of a very troubled ministry found it a good time to throw an international birthday bash that cost in excess of N100 million. And the head of a major federal parastatal and prominent ruling party trustee found it expedient to use his time and other public resources to throw his own 70-something birthday bash. Office holders in the current dispensation are behaving like the proverbial ostrich that buries it head in the sand when confronted with danger or the house owner who prefers to chase rats while his abode is on fire. While the polity is experiencing unprecedented instability and needs the unmitigated attention of all well–meaning citizen, the ruling elite prefers to engage in distractions, diversions and perfunctory preoccupations. The flatulence emanating from political office holders in the current government betrays an elite eons away from the transcendental figures that the nation direly needs at this time.
Since inception in 2007, no one in government has deemed it fit to bring about the enactment of laws that will correct salient errors and pitfalls encountered in past elections, notably those of 2003 and 2007. That betrays a mindset of denial about the urgency and the enormity of the task that needs to be done before the next general elections. Such a mindset smacks of unbelievable naivety. Those in power today, quite pitifully, think that the power of incumbency which they currently enjoy can effectively override the dire need for constitutional and institutional reforms. Having apparently survived the last 10 years or so, largely under Chief Obasanjo's deviousness and inane chicaneries, which was unraveling even before he left office, the promoters of the status quo are persuaded that they can hold on to power for the next 60 years or more, never mind that all that they have so far achieved is to turn the country into a highly conflicted polity, rated as a world class pariah nation, in the same league as or worse than Myanmar and North Korea. Since 1999 there has been no constructive use of the power of incumbency. Rather it has been used in the breach of democratic norms, from dealing with corruption in high places, to the conduct of elections, to transparency issues. The ruling party has shown itself to be the largest spoils system in the world, not the largest party in Africa as is trumpeted in self promotion. This is confirmed by the mindless diversion of public funds during the Obasanjo administration, through fake, unexecuted or failed contracts, for which full payments were made. The fact that key players in that administration have been retained or are otherwise active in the present administration is enough proof that that culture continues.
The Anambra gubernatorial election, coming up, in February 2010, is another opportunity for the police to get its acts together, in preparation for the 'big do' in 2011. But the likelihood of any of that coming about in the light of the insidious, political roistering and lethal political gangsterism going on there in anticipation of the elections is remote. One would have thought that the task of policing elections is a simple one: prevent any breaches of the peace and promptly arrest and prosecute any law breakers; pretty much the same as routine police work. Such a job would not be difficult if those involved abstain from taking sides and getting involved in the politics of elections or otherwise allowing themselves to be suborned by politicians. Whether the police admits it or not, a major reason elections have always been indecent affairs in Nigeria is because the police have consistently failed to do their jobs professionally during elections by leaving politicians to their politics while the police concentrates on the business of policing. Nigerians are not differently constituted from people in other lands. If those minded to break the law know that they will surely be caught during elections and that the penalties will be high and exacting, Nigerians, including the general public and in particular politicians, will conform and behave themselves.
When General Obasanjo was running the government as a civilian president, Aso Rock led the way in suborning the police generally and in particular during elections, to ensure their partisanship in security operations. Such situations often gave police officers the ready–made excuse, often given rather gleefully, that they were 'obeying orders from above' whenever their behaviour was questioned. The situation underlines a salient but unfortunate fact that the leadership of the police and for that matter other federal institutions also, have not yet emancipated to the point where, like in better democracies, they can confidently stand up to any public officer no matter how highly placed, and refuse to compromise their institutions professionally, regardless of the magnitude of the pressure on them to do so. In other words Nigeria's public institutions, in particular the police are yet to attain the level of professionalism that will enable them to take independent action, based on what the constitution dictates. They have seemed to delight in doing whatever the person in power wants them to do, including carrying out instructions from reprobate political office holders. It is an instructive irony that General Obasanjo who did his best to undermine transparency and professionalism in public affairs as president is today the beneficiary of professionalism and transparency from the Spanish government: His son, Muyiwa, by his deceased wife, Stella, is reported to have been awarded some 120,000 euro or N24.7 million compensation for the wrongful death of his mother in the hands of a quack Spanish plastic surgeon. She had gone to the doctor to alter her looks, a frivolous endeavour, most probably at public expense. One hopes that the Obsanjos of this world, in particular Nigerian leaders, past, present and in the future, political and institutional, especially the incumbent Attorney General of the federation, would have learnt an important lesson from the Spanish system's handling of the case.
Since practically nothing has been done on the part of the federal government to prepare for the next elections, particularly in terms of forestalling the constitutional and legal inadequacies that bedeviled past elections, it has to be presumed that the ruling party intends to re-enact the 2003 and 2007style charade or something worse, in 2011.
Apparently the ruling elite have indicated, if their words and deeds are anything to go by, their pre-occupation with surviving in office beyond 2011. Their strategy for realising this objective is to create a situation, by omission or commission that will permit maximum rigging of the elections. In other words the 2011 elections will pose, one more time, a serious challenge to the national and international sense of decency. It will also be a security debacle. The Ekiti re-run elections has already given a foretaste of what is to be expected. That means once again that in 2011 Nigerians will be re-learning the lessons of having a rogue government running their affairs.
The word 'rogue' is not used lightly, nor is it intended as a hyperbole. Some people may find it a bit extreme but what do you call a government that has consistently evaded political responsibility right from inception and seems to have surrendered policy making for public interest to a small band of both faceless and overt insiders, who have held the government and the people hostage to their whims and caprices. Since 1999 there has been no improvement in political practice. The reason for this state of things is that those in authority do not want things to improve. They profit from the status quo. It is that simple. Obasanjo's style of governance made it possible for public officers, including governors, ministers, local government council chairmen, legislators, etc, to think nothing of raising personal militia to fight elections or to fight opposition. Under that government the country achieved unprecedented levels of lawlessness and insecurity. What has the nation gained from that culture? One is that the nation's legislative chambers are now occupied by political delinquents who lack the slightest ideas of their strategic responsibilities to the people they are supposed to represent. In functional democracies legislators make ground breaking laws for good governance but in Nigeria legislators break new ground only in appropriating more emoluments for themselves and in seeking to exclude themselves from the prosecutorial process that other citizens are required to comply with when accused of wrong doing. What a typical Nigerian senator considers ground breaking is to table a farcical bill to regulate how women may dress, taking the matter all the way to the United Nations in New York, to the eternal embarrassment of not only her 'distinguished' self but the nation also. A common refrain in official circles around the country is that there is a 'cordial relationship' between the executive and the legislature: code for the ineptitude of the latter in respect of its ability to perform its oversight functions and proactively pursue the interest of their constituencies. It is also a euphemism for a tacit agreement between the two arms to share the spoils of office to the exclusion of all other stake holders. Another name for a situation that is so often described as a 'cordial relationship' between the executive and legislature is a rubberstamp assembly. It is not a relationship based on mutual respect. It is one based on mutual vested interest, a conspiracy against the people in whose name the government exists.
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